Togo is actively seeking to enhance its strategic partnership with the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a coalition formed by the military-led governments of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. The collaboration is particularly significant for the landlocked nations within the AES, as gaining access to Togo’s port could dramatically improve their economic situation and logistical capabilities.
Foreign Minister Robert Dussey has fueled these discussions, suggesting that Togo’s potential accession to the AES is a feasible strategy for improving regional cooperation. He emphasized the significance of this move on social media, stating, “Togo is considering joining the AES, a strategic decision that could strengthen regional cooperation and offer access to the sea to member countries.” This remark reflects Togo’s intent to foster alliances that benefit its geopolitical footprint while enhancing the economic and security prospects of its neighbors.
For the trio of countries struggling with jihadist violence and geopolitical isolation, access to a functioning port is critical. In response to rising tensions with neighboring Ivory Coast and Benin—both of which have been accused of aligning too closely with Western nations—Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have started to utilize Togo’s capital port in Lome and the port of Tema in Ghana for their trade needs. Analysts believe that Togo’s membership in the AES could improve these countries’ access to maritime routes and open new economic avenues, including potential access to Nigerien oil and revitalized trade routes.
Political analyst Madi Djabakate remarked on the implications of this cooperation, highlighting that “Togo could also benefit from more agile military cooperation and intelligence sharing with its neighbors.” These advantages come at a time when jihadist activities have surged in northern regions of Togo, particularly near its border with Burkina Faso, where well-established terror networks threaten stability. The junta leaders of the AES are seeking to form a joint military operation involving 5,000 troops to counter these threats, and Togo’s support for their strategies indicates alignment with their goal of reclaiming national sovereignty.
Furthermore, Togo’s approach aligns with a broader pan-African sentiment. By engaging with the AES, Togo appears to be reinforcing a narrative of unity among African nations. Under the presidency of Faure Gnassingbe, who has held power since 2005, this alignment with the AES may allow for continued stability in his administration, as popular support for pan-Africanism grows amongst the populace.
Despite the positive aspects of this alliance, experts warn of potential regional ramifications. Togo’s overtures towards the AES could be seen as a diversion from its existing commitments to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which has faced criticism for its perceived inability to address regional security concerns. Nathaniel Olympio, a prominent opposition figure in Togo, cautioned that joining the AES might lead to diminishing accountability within the government and lessen adherence to democratic principles as enforced by ECOWAS.
Moreover, Togo has historically maintained cordial relations with the military governments of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, often acting as a mediator between these nations and ECOWAS. Some analysts, like Djabakate, suggest that Togo could navigate both relationships simultaneously, as alliances are merely partnerships rather than binding commitments. However, if Togo were to officially join the AES, it might exacerbate the challenges facing ECOWAS, potentially accelerating its fragmentation.
Ultimately, Togo’s strategic positioning and the decision regarding membership in the AES will have significant implications for its role within West Africa, shaping the region’s political landscape amid ongoing security crises and shifting alliances. As the dynamics evolve, Togo’s leadership remains under scrutiny, balancing relations with the AES while maintaining its longstanding ties with ECOWAS.
